Racist beliefs express value judgments. According to an influential view, value judgments are subjective, and not amenable to rational adjudication. In contrast, we argue that the value judgments expressed in, for example, racist beliefs, are false and objectively so. Our account combines a naturalized, philosophical account of meaning inspired by Donald Davidson, with a prominent social-psychological theory of values pioneered by the social-psychologist Milton Rokeach. We use this interdisciplinary approach to show that, just as with beliefs expressing descriptive judgments, beliefs (...) expressing value judgments have empirical content, or can be inferentially linked to beliefs that do; the truth or falsity of that content can be objectively assigned; and that assignment is amenable to rational assessment. While versions of this objective view of value judgments have been defended by moral realists of various metaphysical stripes, our argument has the virtue of appealing, instead, to accounts that are as naturalistically informed as possible. And, unlike the influential subjective view of value judgments, and racist beliefs more particularly, our arguments are better able to account for instances where rational, persuasive strategies have been effective in reducing the ubiquity of racism in American culture. (shrink)

Dans ce livre, la philosophie n'est pas présentée essentiellement comme doctrine ou comme système, mais comme transmission, mouvement, école. Le philosophe n'est pas un solitaire, il est inséparable de ses élèves, de ses disciples, de ses adversaires. Il ne parvient qu'en fin de course aux formes écrites et stables de son œuvre. On a donc finalement affaire plus à un théâtre qu'à un traité, plus à des dialogues qu'à des monologues, plus à un cours qu'à un livre. Le modèle évident (...) est le Socrate de Platon, qui a su assurer, en fondant la philosophie comme discipline, qu'elle devait s'établir n'importe où dans le multiple du monde. Éloge, oui, de la philosophie comme création publique d'une pensée qui, s'inventant et se transportant n'importe où, parlant à n'importe qui d'un n'importe quoi retravaillé, invente la théâtralisation de l'être, en tant qu'être." A.B. Quelle philosophie pour le siècle qui vient? Faux dialogue platonicien, qui met en scène le 'parleur' Tocéras aux prises avec des interlocuteurs issus de pays et de cultures philosophiques différents - le Britannique John After, la Grecque Amantha, le Sénégalais B'adj Akil, le Chinois Xi La Pong, et d'autres encore -, cet éloge déroule les fils d'une histoire de la pensée revisitée dans un jeu de formes inventif et libérateur, à la lumière des cinq grandes questions qu'explore Alain Badiou : démocratie, liberté, universalité, langage et incarnation."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

QUE FAIRE? Telle est la question de ceux qui n'ont pas renoncé́. Ultraviolence, crise économique, chaos social, trahison des élites... Face à l'effondrement qui vient, le Français lucide n'est plus qu'impuissance. Dans l'angle mort du dressage médiatique, son avis ne compte pas, son opinion n'existe plus. Nié dans sa souveraineté, criminalisé dans ses pensées, il n'a plus aucun moyen de se faire entendre. Résigné, vaincu, digéré par la matrice, il s'en remet à l'État, aux politiciens, à sa colère, à un (...) miracle... Espérant sans trop y croire que d'autres vont le tirer de cette impasse. Il existe pourtant des solutions. Concrètes, immédiates, individuelles. À la portée de chacun. Changer le monde. Ce livre est là pour ça. Changer le monde, en commençant par soi. Dix règles. Dix simples lois pour ne plus subir, ne plus servir. Cesser de renoncer. Sortir de la servilité. Dix commandements pour exister, survivre et gagner. Retrouver enfin la vue, le pouvoir et la grandeur. Tordre le probable. Incarner l'impossible. Renverser l'histoire. Voilà l'Éloge de la force. Voilà l'Évangile selon Obertone. Essayiste à succès et romancier de renom international, Laurent Obertone réserve cet ovni incandescent à ceux qui refusent d'abdiquer : le guide de développement personnel le plus féroce et puissant jamais publié. Dix lois pour reprendre le pouvoir. Deux-cent-trente pages pour saboter la servitude. Un manuel de guerre à l'efficacité diabolique. Une mobilisation générale pour sauver les derniers esprits libres. Bienvenue dans le champ de force. Bienvenue dans le camp des forts."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

"Philosopher, c'est chercher, c'est impliquer qu'il y a des choses à voir et à dire. Or, aujourd'hui, on ne cherche guère. On revient à l'une ou l'autre des traditions, on la «défend». Nos convictions se fondent moins sur des valeurs ou des vérités aperçues que sur les vices ou les erreurs de celles dont nous ne voulons pas. Notre pensée est en retraite ou en repli. Dans ce monde où la dénégation et les passions moroses tiennent lieu de certitudes, on (...) ne cherche surtout pas à voir, et c'est la philosophie, parce qu'elle demande à voir, qui passe pour impiété."Maurice Merleau-Ponty. "Les philosophes n'ont de leçons à donner à personne. La philosophie s'arrête, en effet, où commence la certitude de savoir. La leçon inaugurale de Maurice Merleau-Ponty pour son entrée au collège de France, publiée en tête de ce recueil, est donc en son principe paradoxale. Occuper une chaire pour un professeur de philosophie, ce n'est pas transmettre à ses auditeurs des vérités acquises mais plutôt leur apprendre à poser les bonnes questions.Cet éloge de la philosophie, à l'instar des autres essais publiés sous ce titre, est ainsi frappé du sceau de l'ironie socratique. Vivant témoignage d'un homme qui a su marquer son temps sans jamais se prendre pour un maître à penser, ce texte est rédigé dans un style limpide, accessible à un large public. L'auteur nous y fait simplement saisir, souvent de manière imagée, en quoi consiste l'exercice philosophique.Ce qui fait la philosophie, c'est le mouvement qui reconduit sans cesse du savoir à l'ignorance, de l'ignorance au savoir, et une sorte de repos dans ce mouvement."Paul Klein. (shrink)

Philosophe française contemporaine, Sandra Laugier a ouvert de nouveaux champs intellectuels au cours des trente dernières années en se faisant la passeuse et la penseuse de la vie ordinaire. Passeuse, avec ses traductions de Stanley Cavell (1926-2018) dans la suite du grand philosophe américain Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882). Penseuse par l'édification de son domaine de réflexion propre. Elle a aussi bien exploré la philosophie analytique que la philosophie morale, les potentialités de la désobéissance civile comme celles de l'éthique féministe du (...) care, ou la radicalité aux États-Unis sur les questions de genre et de race. Son analyse de la culture populaire, à travers l'étude qu'elle a faite des séries télévisées, est elle aussi significative.00Aujourd'hui, la philosophe dresse un premier bilan raisonné de sa trajectoire. Pour ce faire, elle a choisi la forme du dialogue qui sied à sa démarche. Cette conversation menée par le journaliste Philippe Petit nous aide à mieux la connaître.00Une biographie existentielle et intellectuelle. (shrink)

William Whewell is considered one of the most important nineteenth-century British philosophers of science and a contributor to modern philosophical thought, particularly regarding the problem of induction and the logic of discovery. In this volume, Robert E. Butts offers selections from Whewell's most important writings, and analysis of counter-claims to his philosophy.

In _Facing the Planetary_ William E. Connolly expands his influential work on the politics of pluralization, capitalism, fragility, and secularism to address the complexities of climate change and to complicate notions of the Anthropocene. Focusing on planetary processes—including the ocean conveyor, glacier flows, tectonic plates, and species evolution—he combines a critical understanding of capitalism with an appreciation of how such nonhuman systems periodically change on their own. Drawing upon scientists and intellectuals such as Lynn Margulis, Michael Benton, Alfred North (...) Whitehead, Anna Tsing, Mahatma Gandhi, Wangari Maathai, Pope Francis, Bruno Latour, and Naomi Klein, Connolly focuses on the gap between those regions creating the most climate change and those suffering most from it. He addresses the creative potential of a "politics of swarming" by which people in different regions and social positions coalesce to reshape dominant priorities. He also explores how those displaying spiritual affinities across differences in creed can energize a militant assemblage that is already underway. (shrink)

But in Why I Am Not a Secularist, distinguished political theorist William E. Connolly argues that secularism, although admirable in its pursuit of freedom and diversity, too often undercuts these goals through its narrow and intolerant ...

La culture de la dissidence est-elle la clé du progrès? -- La culture de la dissidence est-elle la chose du monde la mieux partagée? -- Nelson Mandela, une icône contemporaine de la dissidence -- L'écume des terrassements -- Un nouvel agenda pour un nouveau siècle.

Over the past two decades, the renowned political theorist William E. Connolly has developed a powerful theory of pluralism as the basis of a territorial politics. In this concise volume, Connolly launches a new defense of pluralism, contending that it has a renewed relevance in light of pressing global and national concerns, including the war in Iraq, the movement for a Palestinian state, and the fight for gay and lesbian rights. Connolly contends that deep, multidimensional pluralism is the best (...) way to promote justice and inclusion without violence. He advocates a deep pluralism—in contrast to shallow, secular pluralism—that helps to create space for different groups to bring their religious faiths into the public realm. This form of deep pluralism extends far beyond faith, encompassing multiple dimensions of social and personal lives, including household organization and sexuality. Connolly looks at pluralism not only in light of faith but also in relation to evil, ethics, relativism, globalization, and sovereignty. In the process, he engages many writers and theorists—among them, Spinoza, William James, Henri Bergson, Marcel Proust, Gilles Deleuze, Giorgio Agamben, Talal Asad, Michael Hardt, and Antonio Negri. _Pluralism_ is the first book in which Connolly explains the relationship between pluralism and the experience of time, and he offers readings of several films that address how time is understood, including _Time Code_, _Far from Heaven_, _Waking Life_, and _The Maltese Falcon_. In this necessary book Connolly brings a compelling, accessible philosophical critique together with his personal commitment to an inclusive political agenda to suggest how we might—and why we must—cultivate pluralism within both society and ourselves. (shrink)

Sont émises des hypothèses sur son origine et des réflexions sur ses outils, mais l'éloge du prince est aussi examiné dans son fonctionnement, à travers des analyses et des synthèses sur ses rapports avec la rhétorique et les genres littéraires, ainsi qu'avec certaines pratiques de propagande politique.

Dans ce monde qui semble soumis à une accélération constante, où l'on ne cesse de louer la marche ou la course, nous souhaitons et craignons à la fois que tout ralentisse ou même que tout s'arrête. L'ambivalence de ce désir reste à étudier, comme ce que signifie aujourd'hui le fait de ne pas bouger. La privation de mouvement est une peine ; le droit pénal, les disciplines scolaires ou militaires immobilisent ; les accidents et les maladies paralysent ; l'accélération technique (...) se paye en inertie dans les embouteillages ou les bureaux. Les éloges de la mobilité comme la critique de l'accélération sont passés à côté de ces situations où l'immobilité s'impose, non sans violence. Il faut redonner son sens à l'immobilisation. Car cette peine est aussi une étape, une station, impliquant le corps et la pensée. Tenir, debout, assis, dans la position du lotus ou même couché, c'est exercer sur soi une contrainte signifiante. Les "mouvements" d'occupation des places nous le rappellent, l'art également. Savoir faire halte, c'est savoir résister. Jérôme Lèbre est professeur de philosophie en classes préparatoires. Membre du Collège international de philosophie, il est notamment l'auteur de : Vitesses (2011) ; Derrida - La justice sans condition (2013) ; Les Caractères impossibles (2014) ; et, avec Jean-Luc Nancy, de Signaux sensibles (2017). (shrink)

Malgré son ambition, la philosophie politique n'est jamais parvenue à prouver qu'il est rationnel (bon, avantageux pour l'individu autant que pour la collectivité) d'être juste. Ce livre entend évoquer les " personnages conceptuels " ou les " figures " théâtrales mises en scène par les philosophes eux-mêmes afin de mettre à l'épreuve leur théorie de la justice : de tels personnages viennent contredire le discours rationnel du philosophe, et souvent l'accuser d'idéalisme. Cette thèse philosophique s'accompagne d'une thèse sur le présent (...) : la théorie politique contemporaine dominante tend depuis les années 1970 à réduire la figure du " mal " politique, en l'assimilant, sous couvert de théorie du choix rationnel, au " passager clandestin ", qui ne contribue pas à la coopération sociale à la mesure de ce qu'il profite. Or un tel choix est pour le moins contestable, dans la mesure où il laisse dans l'ombre des figures plus " extrêmes " du mal politique : le nazi, le criminel de guerre, le terroriste. A cet égard, la philosophie politique moderne, quoique décidément rationaliste, a mieux cerné le risque que fait courir à la philosophie elle-même l'" Insensé " ou le " raisonneur violent ". Face au risque d'irénisme encouru par la théorie politique, sociale et morale contemporaine, dont le monde semble parfois peuplé de " zombies raisonnables ", il nous faut restituer le rôle de l'expérience tragique au coeur de la philosophie politique. (shrink)

In _The Fragility of Things_, eminent theorist William E. Connolly focuses on several self-organizing ecologies that help to constitute our world. These interacting geological, biological, and climate systems, some of which harbor creative capacities, are depreciated by that brand of neoliberalism that confines self-organization to economic markets and equates the latter with impersonal rationality. Neoliberal practice thus fails to address the fragilities it exacerbates. Engaging a diverse range of thinkers, from Friedrich Hayek, Michel Foucault, Hesiod, and Immanuel Kant to (...) Voltaire, Terrence Deacon, Friedrich Nietzsche, and Alfred North Whitehead, Connolly brings the sense of fragility alive as he rethinks the idea of freedom. Urging the Left not to abandon the state but to reclaim it, he also explores scales of politics below and beyond the state. The contemporary response to fragility requires a militant pluralist assemblage composed of those sharing affinities of spirituality across differences of creed, class, gender, sexual orientation, and ethnicity. (shrink)

Complexity, agency, and time -- The vicissitudes of experience -- Belief, spirituality, and time -- The human predicament -- Capital flows, sovereign decisions, and world resonance machines -- The theorist and the seer.

Depuis des millénaires, surtout depuis l'avènement de l'écriture, l'homme connaît la vie à travers des mots et des idées qui l'interprètent et lui renvoient une image faussée de lui- même. Nous oublions que l'homme n'existerait pas s'il n'était pas préalablement de la matière. Les idées ne sont qu'une sécrétion de son cerveau et si Socrate craignait de perdre la vue en regardant le monde, nous avons perdu le sens du réel en reniant notre corps. Est-il possible de lui permettre de (...) se faire entendre? Redonner la parole à la matière que notre forme manifeste est encore possible, même si cela dérange ceux qui ont pris le pouvoir à l'aide de la pensée, que ce soit sur le plan politique ou le plan religieux. L'expérience montre que c'est faisable. (shrink)

Machiavel a largement défini la politique comme un art souverain du mensonge. Elle doit pourtant être autre chose : la capacité d'une société à s'emparer de son destin, à inventer un ordre juste et se placer sous l'impératif du bien commun.

"Alors que notre temps sacralise la liberté, dénie l'autorité et récuse la norme, ne doit-on voir dans la loi qu'un vestige d'un passé révolu où dominaient l'obligation, la coercition et la répression? Ou faut-il concevoir au contraire que la soumission à la règle peut être synonyme d'émancipation de l'esprit? Et si oui, à quelles conditions? Convoquant la grande tradition juive, Yann Boissière récapitule ici l'expérience trois fois millénaire qui court de Moïse à Levinas en passant par Spinoza. Il montre en (...) quoi la Torah est au coeur du monde, de l'histoire, de l'homme car elle est inspirante, enseignante, affranchissante. Mais c'est pour mieux appliquer cette leçon aux périls contemporains. Alors que la tentation théologico-politique opère un violent retour au sein de nos sociétés, la loi n'a pas dit son dernier mot. Comment se mettre en recherche de vérités qui dépassent l'horizon de la laïcité tout en la respectant? Comment définir un modèle de foi permettant une intégration qui ne réduise pas à l'assimilation ou à la marginalisation? Comment promouvoir les valeurs de l'identité tout en demeurant résolument inscrit dans le cadre de la République? Face à ces questions brûlantes, voici un discours de la méthode spirituelle pour aujourd'hui."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

A representationalist-friendly introduction to representationalism which covers a number of central problems and objections.

An impressive body of recent literature posits that traditional notions of civil disobedience prevent us from properly considering potentially legitimate types of ‘uncivil’ political lawbreaking. When might uncivil (covert, legally evasive, morally offensive and potentially violent) lawbreaking prove normatively acceptable? If justifiable, what conditions should its practitioners be reasonably expected to meet? Despite some important insights, defenders of uncivil disobedience rely on a narrow and sometimes misleading view of civil disobedience, as previously practiced and theorized. Notwithstanding legitimate skepticism about Rawlsian (...) notions of civil disobedience, they reproduce its troublesome binary or ‘all-or-nothing’ view of political lawbreaking. Uncivil disobedience’s proponents tend to group a vast array of distinctive types of lawbreaking under one amorphous categorical rubric, impeding the suitably complex, nuanced analysis we need. A superior approach would pay careful attention to uncivil disobedience’s ambivalent historical record, a record suggesting that UD is more likely to reproduce authoritarian populism’s disturbing political logic than counteract it. (shrink)

Does a hard-headed realist approach to international politics necessarily involve scepticism towards progressive foreign policy initiatives and global reform? Should proponents of realism always be seen as morally complacent and politically combative? In this major reconsideration of the main figures of international political theory, Bill Scheuerman challenges conventional wisdom to reveal a neglected tradition of progressive realism with much to contribute to contemporary debates about international policy-making and world government. Far from seeing international reform as well-meaning but potentially irresponsible idealism, (...) progressive realists like E.H. Carr, John Herz, Hans J. Morgenthau, and Reinhold Niebuhr developed forward-looking ideas which offer an indispensable corrective to many presently influential views about global politics. Progressive realism, Scheuerman argues, offers a compelling and provocative vision of radical global change which - when properly interpreted, can help buttress current efforts to address the most pressing international issues. After recovering key subterranean strands in mid-twentieth century realism, Scheuerman underscores their relevance to contemporary international theory. Criticizing more recent realists for abandoning their tradition's best insights, he also demonstrates that reform-minded international theories - including versions of cosmopolitanism, constructivism, the English School, liberalism, and republicanism - could all benefit from taking Progressive Realism seriously. A major contribution both to the history of international relations and contemporary debates in international theory, The Realist Case for Global Reform concludes by considering how progressive realism informs the foreign policies of US President Barack Obama. (shrink)

The media hoop-la about Edward Snowden has obscured a less flashy yet more vital – and philosophically relevant – part of the story, namely the moral and political seriousness with which he acted to make the hitherto covert scope and scale of NSA surveillance public knowledge. Here I argue that we should interpret Snowden’s actions as meeting most of the demanding tests outlined in sophisticated political thinking about civil disobedience. Like Thoreau, Gandhi, King and countless other (forgotten) grass-roots activists, Snowden (...) has in fact articulated a powerful defense of why he was morally obligated to engage in politically motivated law-breaking. He has also undertaken impressive efforts to explain how his actions are distinguishable from ordinary criminality, and why they need not culminate in reckless lawlessness. In fact, his example can perhaps help us advance liberal and democratic ideas about civil disobedience. First, it highlights sound reasons why, pace the orthodox view, the acceptance of punishment by those engaging in civil disobedience should not be seen as a precondition of its legitimacy. Second, Snowden reminds us that ours is an era in which intensified globalization processes directly shape every feature of political existence. Defenders of civil disobedience need to update their reflections accordingly. (shrink)

The ideas of Hans Morgenthau dominated the study of international politics in the United States for many decades. He was the leading representative of Realist international relations theory in the last century and his work remains hugely influential in the field. In this engaging and accessible new study of his work, William E. Scheuerman provides a comprehensive and illuminating introduction to Morgenthau’s ideas, and assesses their significance for political theory and international politics. Scheuerman shows Morgenthau to be an uneasy (...) Realist, uncomfortable with conventional notions of Realism and sometimes unsure whether his reflections should be grouped under its rubric. He was a powerful critic of the existing state system and defended the idea of a world state. By highlighting Morgenthau’s engagement with the leading lights of European political and legal theory, Scheuerman argues that he developed a morally demanding political ethics and an astute diagnosis of the unprecedented perils posed by nuclear weaponry. Believing that the irrationalities of US foreign policy were rooted partly in domestic factors, he sympathized with demands for radical political and social change. Scheuerman illustrates that Morgenthau’s thinking has been widely misunderstood by both disciples and critics and that it offers many challenges to contemporary Realists who discount his normative aspirations. With the advent of the cosmopolitan goal of international reform, Morgenthau’s work serves up an unsettling mix of sympathy and hard-headed skepticism which remains crucially important in the development of the field. Lucidly and persuasively written, this book will be a valuable resource for students and scholars seeking to understand the continued importance of Morgenthau’s thinking. (shrink)

Strawson’s case in favor of panpsychism is at heart an updated version of a venerable form of argument I’ll call the ‘intrinsic nature’ argument. It is an extremely interesting argument which deploys all sorts of high caliber metaphysical weaponry (despite the ‘down home’ appeals to common sense which Strawson frequently makes). The argument is also subtle and intricate. So let’s spend some time trying to articulate its general form.

This study examines the effects of nationality (U.S. vs. China) and personal values on managers’ responses to the Perceived Role of Ethics and Social Responsibility (PRESOR) scale. Evidence that China’s transition to a socialist market economy has led to widespread business corruption, led us to hypothesize that People’s Republic of China (PRC) managers would believe less strongly in the importance of ethical and socially responsible business conduct. We also hypothesized that after controlling for national differences, managers’ personal values (more specifically, (...) self-transcendence values) would have a significant impact on PRESOR responses. The hypotheses were tested using a sample of practicing managers enrolled in part-time MBA programs in the two countries. The results indicate that nationality did not have a consistent impact on PRESOR responses. After controlling for national differences, self-transcendence values had a significant positive impact on two of the three PRESOR dimensions. Conservation values such as conformity and tradition also had a significant association with certain dimensions of the PRESOR scale. (shrink)

The Perceptual Hypothesis is that we sometimes see, and thereby have non-inferential knowledge of, others' mental features. The Perceptual Hypothesis opposes Inferentialism, which is the view that our knowledge of others' mental features is always inferential. The claim that some mental features are embodied is the claim that some mental features are realised by states or processes that extend beyond the brain. The view I discuss here is that the Perceptual Hypothesis is plausible if, but only if, the mental features (...) it claims we see are suitably embodied. Call this Embodied Perception Theory. I argue that Embodied Perception Theory is false. It doesn't follow that the Perceptual Hypothesis is implausible. The considerations which serve to undermine Embodied Perception Theory serve equally to undermine the motivations for assuming that others' mental lives are always imperceptible. (shrink)

This is the first full-length study in English of twentieth-century Germany's most influential authoritarian right-wing political theorist, Carl Schmitt, that focuses on the central place of his attack on the liberal rule of law. This is also the first book in any language to devote substantial attention to Schmitt's subterranean influence on some of the most important voices in political thought in the United States after 1945.

This study proposes and tests a model of the relations among corporate accountants’ perceptions of the ethical climate in their organization, the perceived importance of corporate ethics and social responsibility, and earnings management decisions. Based on a field survey of professional accountants employed by private industry in Hong Kong, we found that perceptions of the organizational ethical climate were significantly associated with belief in the importance of corporate ethics and responsibility. Belief in the importance of ethics and social responsibility was (...) also significantly associated with accountants’ ethical judgments and behavioral intentions regarding accounting and operating earnings manipulation. These findings suggest that perceptions of ethical climate, usually presumed to reflect the “tone at the top” in the organization, lead accounting professionals to rationalize earnings management decisions by adjusting their attitudes toward the importance of corporate ethics and social responsibility. This is the first study to document a relationship between organizational ethical climate and professional accountants’ support for corporate ethics and social responsibility, and also the first study to document that industry accountants’ views toward corporate ethics and social responsibility are associated with their willingness to manipulate earnings. The findings have important implications, suggesting that organizational efforts to enhance the ethical climate and emphasize the importance of corporate ethics and social responsibility could reduce the prevalence of earnings manipulation. (shrink)

To be ashamed of one's immorality—that is a step on the staircase at whose end one is also ashamed of one's morality. Friedrich Nietzsche.

In The City of God, XI, 10, St Augustine claims that the divine nature is simple because ‘it is what it has’ (quod habet hoc est). We may take this as a slogan for the Doctrine of Divine Simplicity (DDS), a doctrine which finds its way into orthodox medieval Christian theological speculation. Like the doctrine of God's timeless eternality, the DDS has seemed obvious and pious to many, and incoherent, misguided, and repugnant to others. Unlike the doctrine of God's timeless (...) eternality, the DDS has received very little critical attention. The DDS did not originate with Augustine, but I am not primarily concerned with its pedigree. Nor am I concerned to ask how the doctrine interacts with trinitarian speculation. I will have my hands full as it is. In Section I of this paper I shall provide a rough characterization of the DDS, indicate its complexity, and focus on a particular aspect of the doctrine which will exercise us in the remainder of the paper, namely, the thesis that the divine attributes are all identical with each other and with God. In section n I shall discuss Alvin Plantinga's recent objections to Aquinas' version of the DDS. I shall then offer a more detailed presentation of what I take to be Aquinas' version (section III), and recast it in terms of a theory of attributes which is significantly different from Plantinga's (section IV). Although the recasting of the doctrine will enable me to rebut Plantinga's objections (section v), it by no means solves all the problems of the DDS. In section vi I shall discuss the chief lingering problem facing a defender of the DDS. (shrink)

" -- Seyla Benhabib, Harvard University "Winner, 1996 Elaine and David Spitz Book Prize for the best book on liberal and democratic theory, Conference for the Study of Political Thought.

The alliance in the United States today between cowboy capitalism and evangelical Christianity cannot be understood sufficiently through the categories of efficient causality or ideological analysis. The constituencies fold similar spiritual dispositions into somewhat different ideologies and creeds. Each party then amplifies these dispositions in the other through the media politics of resonance. The ethos infusing the resonance machine is expressed without being articulated. The inability to grasp this political economy separate from the spiritualities infusing it may carry implications for (...) the form a successful countermovement could assume. (shrink)

It is often assumed that when we see common opaque objects in standard light this is in virtue of seeing their facing surfaces. Here I argue that we should reject that claim. Either we don't see objects' facing surfaces, or—if we hold on to the claim that we do see such things—it is at least not in virtue of seeing them that we see common opaque objects. I end by showing how this conclusion squares both with our intuitions and with (...) the facts of vision science. (shrink)

One of the most vivid aspects of consciousness is the experience of emotion, yet this topic is given relatively little attention within consciousness studies. Emotions are crucial, for they provide quick and motivating assessments of value, without which action would be misdirected or absent. Emotions also involve linkages between phenomenal and intentional consciousness. This paper examines emotional consciousness from the standpoint of the representational theory of consciousness . Two interesting developments spring from this. The first is the need for the (...) representation of value, which is distinctive of emotional experience. The second is an extension of RTC’s theory of introspection to emotional states, revealing why emotional consciousness is so often introspective even though introspective abilities are not needed to experience emotions, and also explaining why introspection of emotional states is so much less reliable than that of other states of consciousness. (shrink)

Scholarly and political interest in the controversial 20th Century German thinker Carl Schmitt has exploded in the last twenty years. This volume, focusing directly on Schmitt’s complex ideas about law, situates his views within broader debates about the rule of law and its fate, taking seriously his Nazi-era political and legal writings.